第66章 XI(4)

After the election, when we analyzed the vote county by county, we discovered that in every county whose residents were principally Americans the amendment was carried, whereas in all counties populated largely by foreigners it was lost. In cer- t ain counties--those inhabited by Russian Jews-- t he vote was almost solidly against us, and this not- w ithstanding the fact that the wives of these Rus- s ian voters were doing a man's work on their farms in addition to the usual women's work in their homes. The fact that our Cause could be defeated by ignorant laborers newly come to our country was a humiliating one to accept; and we realized more forcibly than ever before the difficulty of the task we had assumed--a task far beyond any ever under- t aken by a body of men in the history of democratic government throughout the world. We not only had to bring American men back to a belief in the fundamental principles of republican government, but we had also to educate ignorant immigrants, as well as our own Indians, whose degree of civiliza- t ion was indicated by their war-paint and the flaunting feathers of their head-dresses.

The Kansas campaign, which Miss Anthony, Mrs.

Catt, Mrs. Johns, and I conducted in 1894, held a special interest, due to the Populist movement.

There were so many problems before the people-- p rohibition, free silver, and the Populist propaganda --that we found ourselves involved in the bitterest campaign ever fought out in the state. Our desire, of course, was to get the indorsement of the differ- e nt political parties and religious bodies, We suc- c eeded in obtaining that of three out of four of the Methodist Episcopal conferences--the Congrega- t ional, the Epworth League, and the Christian En- d eavor League--as well as that of the State Teachers'Association, the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, and various other religious and philanthropic societies. To obtain the indorsement of the polit- i cal parties was much more difficult, and we were facing conditions in which partial success was worse than complete failure. It had long been an un- w ritten law before it became a written law in our National Association that we must not take partisan action or line up with any one political party. It was highly important, therefore, that either all parties should support us or that none should.

The Populist convention was held in Topeka be- f ore either the Democratic or Republican convention, and after two days of vigorous fighting, led by Mrs.

Anna Diggs and other prominent Populist women, a suffrage plank was added to the platform. The Populist party invited me, as a minister, to open the convention with prayer. This was an innova- t ion, and served as a wedge for the admission of women representatives of the Suffrage Association to address the convention. We all did so, Miss Anthony speaking first, Mrs. Catt second, and I l ast; after which, for the first time in history, the Doxology was sung at a political convention.

At the Democratic convention we made the same appeal, and were refused. Instead of indorsing us, the Democrats put an anti-suffrage plank in their platform--but this, as the party had little standing in Kansas, probably did us more good than harm.

Trouble came thick and fast, however, when the Republicans, the dominant party in the state, held their convention; and a mighty struggle began over the admission of a suffrage plank. There was a Woman's Republican Club in Kansas, which held its convention in Topeka at the same time the Republicans were holding theirs. There was also a Mrs. Judith Ellen Foster, who, by stirring up op- p osition in this Republican Club against the in- s ertion of a suffrage plank, caused a serious split in the convention. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Catt, and I, of course, urged the Republican women to stand by their sex, and to give their support to the Republi- c ans only on condition that the latter added suffrage to their platform. At no time, and in no field of work, have I ever seen a more bitter conflict in prog- r ess than that which raged for two days during this Republican women's convention. Liquor-dealers, joint-keepers, ``boot-leggers,'' and all the lawless element of Kansas swung into line at a special con- v ention held under the auspices of the Liquor League of Kansas City, and cast their united weight against suffrage by threatening to deny their votes to any candidate or political party favoring our Cause. The Republican women's convention finally adjourned with nothing accomplished except the passing of a resolution mildly requesting the Re- p ublican party to indorse woman suffrage. The result was, of course, that it was not indorsed by the Republican convention, and that it was defeated at the following election.

It was at the time of these campaigns that I was elected Vice-President of the National Association and Lecturer at Large, and the latter office brought in its train a glittering variety of experiences. On one occasion an episode occurred which ``Aunt Susan'' never afterward wearied of describing.

There was a wreck somewhere on the road on which I was to travel to meet a lecture engagement, and the trains going my way were not running. Look- i ng up the track, however, I saw a train coming from the opposite direction. I at once grasped my hand-luggage and started for it.

``Wait! Wait!'' cried Miss Anthony. ``That train's going the wrong way!''

``At least it's going SOMEWHERE!'' I replied, tersely, as the train stopped, and I climbed the steps.

Looking back when the train had started again, I saw ``Aunt Susan'' standing in the same spot on the platform and staring after it with incredulous eyes; but I was right, for I discovered that by going up into another state I could get a train which would take me to my destination in time for the lecture that night. It was a fine illustration of my pet theory that if one intends to get somewhere it is better to start, even in the wrong direction, than to stand still.