第72章 LETTER 8(14)

The setting an Austrian prince upon it was,no doubt,the surest expedient to prevent a union of the two monarchies of France and Spain;just as setting a prince of the house of Bourbon on that throne was the surest expedient to prevent a union of the Imperial and Spanish crowns.But it was equally false to say,in either case,that this was the sole expedient.It would be no paradox,but a proposition easily proved,to advance,that if these unions had been effectually provided against,the general interest of Europe would have been little concerned whether Philip or Charles had nodded at Madrid.It would be likewise no paradox to say,that the contingency of uniting France and Spain under the same prince appeared more remote,about the middle of the last great war,when the dethronement of Philip in favor of Charles was made a condition of peace sine qua non than the contingency of a union of the Imperial and Spanish crowns.Nay,I know not whether it would be a paradox to affirm,that the expedient that was taken,and that was always obvious to be taken,of excluding Philip and his race from the succession of France,by creating an interest in all the other princes of the blood,and by consequence a party in France itself,for their exclusion,whenever the case should happen,was not in its nature more effectual than any that could have been taken:and some must have been taken,not only to exclude Charles from the empire whenever the case should happen that happened soon,the death of his brother Joseph without issue male,but his posterity likewise in all future vacancies of the imperial throne.The expedient that was taken against Philip at the treaty of Utrecht,they who opposed the peace attempted to ridicule;but some of them have had occasion since that time to see,though the case has not happened,how effectual it would have been if it had:and he,who should go about to ridicule it after our experience,would only make himself ridiculous.Notwithstanding all this,he who transports himself back to that time,must acknowledge,that the confederated powers in general could not but be of Garth's mind,and think it more agreeable to the common interest of Europe,that a branch of Austria,than a branch of Bourbon,should gather the Spanish succession,and that the maritime powers,as they are called impertinently enough with respect to the superiority of Great Britain,might think it was for their particular interest to have a prince,dependent for some time at least on them,king of Spain,rather than a prince whose dependence,as long as he stood in any,must be naturally on France.I do not say,as some have done,a prince whose family was an old ally,rather than a prince whose family was an old enemy;because I lay no weight on the gratitude of princes,and am as much persuaded that an Austrian king of Spain would have made us returns of that sort in no other proportion than of his want of us,as I am that Philip and his race will make no other returns of the same sort to France.If this affair had been entire,therefore,on the death of the king of Spain;if we had made no partition,nor he any will,the whole monarchy of Spain would have been the prize to be fought for:and our wishes,and such efforts as we were able to make,in the most unprovided condition imaginable,must have been on the side of Austria.But it was far from being entire.