第3章

What of error they may contain is eagerly seized on, what of truth, is overlooked."Who," asks Mr.Locke, "is there, hardy enough to contend with the reproach which is ever prepared for him, who dares venture to dissent from the received opinions of his country and party? And where is the man to be found, that can patiently prepare himself to bear the names, that he is sure to meet with, who doth in the least scruple any of the common opinions?" Though many things are altered since the days of Locke, mankind are but little changed.In his days, indeed, the prejudices of the times ran towards opinions, which, acquiesed in by many succeeding generations, were, therefore, conceived to have a real plurality of judgments in their favor.Now, on the contrary, to have been believed from of old, is deemed to indicate defect, and that alone is admitted as of approved strength, which has not been subjected to the test of time.In this, nevertheless, there is a perfect agreement, that men appeal not so much to truth itself, as to prevalent opinion, and are disposed to treat whatever stands opposed to it, as necessarily erroneous.It were, then, in vain for me, I am aware, in reply to the charge of presumption in challenging the opinions to which the celebrated author of the Wealth of Nations has given currency, to answer, that it is not so, and that, on the contrary, "he is the general challenger:"that his disciples form, in reality, but a sect, one setting itself in opposition to the belief of all preceding ages, and in its rise and progress presenting nothing dissimilar to the other numerous sects, which time, in its course, has seen appearing and disappearing: that, therefore, if we really appeal to authority, its decision is against, not for, the present political creed.Such arguments would certainly fall on deaf ears.The authority, in which men acquiese, is that which is present, and to which they have been accustomed to yield assent.Whatever is opposed to this, and separated from it by distance of time or space, has no influence on their judgments.

But, although, instead of assistance, I have to look for opposition, from this quarter, I nevertheless believe, that I have an auxiliary of great power on my side.In political questions, before they see that they are wrong, it is common for men to feel that they are so.The progress of recent events seems to have excited a general sensation of this sort over Great Britain.Twenty or thirty years ago, according to the prevailing political system, every circumstance in the condition of the empire was at variance with what should give prosperity to a state.To meet the enormous annual expenditure occasioned by the most wasteful of all preceding wars, a revenue as enormous was drawn by taxation from the people, while, instead of their industry enjoying the boasted advantages of perfect freedom, at home it was restrained by regulations of old established, and abroad its products were legally shut out from every continental port, and could only any where force an entrance with much hazard, and at heavy expense.

True; making its power felt through the element that had ever been most propitious to it, it had subjugated almost every spot on the globe, colonized by Europeans, and by this means, in defiance of its enemies, maintained an extended commerce with all parts of the world.But this vast extent of empire, preserved by force of arms, and at great expense, according to the dicta of modern politicians, was an evil of the greatest magnitude, and one which, though the burden attending it is now reduced to comparative insignificance, they are continually assuring us we ought, as quickly as possible, to get rid of.

Notwithstanding all these disadvantages, however, there is no period in its history in which the condition of Great Britain was apparently more flourishing.The exertions of the laborer were liberally rewarded, the expenditure of the capitalist richly repaid.Every thing gave token of rapidly increasing wealth and abundance.