第8章 欧洲在世界(3)

Dealing with Russia has sometimes been difficult for us.This is logical given the different histories of EU countries.But what matters is not how a discussion beginsb ut how it ends.A n d t he EU has ended up with a united position on the"Medvedev proposals"and on Georgia.President Medvedev himself recently commented on the reasons for Russia"s failure to modernise：the endemic levels of corruption and the need to have a more open，democratic system with the rule of law.

Because of our post-modern DNA，the EU is not well-placed to respond to something that might look like"great power politics".The US probably finds that easier.There is no alternative，but to cooperation with Russia on a wide range of issues.The best way to do so is through agreed rules，whether on broader security or on energy.

A third area where close US-European co-operation is needed is climate change.Every time the scientists come back to us，their findings are worse.This is a planetary crisis.It is urgent.And we need to take our responsibility.I am pleased that more than anyone else，the European Union is showing leadership in tackling climate change.Both with a robust set of policies at home and in pushing the international community to act.

In terms of policy，we essentially need two things：to find the right incentives to stimulate for green investments；and to address the global justice dimension.I am concerned that，on issues such as non-proliferation，this is being cast as a North versus South problem.You created it，you solve it.Yes，the rich created the problem.And yes，the poor are the most vulnerable.But this is a problem that cannot be solved without everyone contributing.In a way，it is a problem for everyone that half of all the people that were ever alive are alive today.

All this makes a comprehensive deal in Copenhagen essential.We need ambitious targets and wellfunctioning cap and trade systems.Plus money for developing countries to help them reduce their emissions and cope with the inevitable.On targets，I welcome the latest commitment by Japan （minus 25%by 2030）.And I hope that the US will follow suit.We realise that domestic political circumstances are difficult.But if the US does not move，China and India won"t either.And we have to break this"mutual suicide pact".

A generous and credible deal on financing is not only a part of a larger deal；it is a way to get it.I know it may sound impossible in the middle of such a serious economic crisis.But it is the other way around.Investments in green technology will be key to overcome the crisis.I am not dreaming.It is feasible.The EU is committed to paying its fair share.Next week in Pittsburgh at the G20we will see how much everybody is willing to contribute.

There is a new mood in US-European relations.But also a daunting agenda：the Middle East，Iran，Afghanistan，Russia，Eastern Europe，non-proliferation and disarmament，energy and climate.All different and all difficult at the same time.

The way to solve these problems is by good politics.What do I mean？For me，good politics involves patience，empathy，integrity and creativity.It is about re-establishing trust.About focusing on the future not the past.

The wider horizon，not the narrow.Good politics requires an ability to charm，move，mobilise，persuade and cajole.

Dear friends，some see a world full of growing，intractable problems.I see a world of negotiable conf licts and new opportunities.If we apply ourselves and practice good politics，we can solve the conflicts and seize the opportunities.

Thank you very much.

参考译文（郭云霞译）

女士们，先生们，下午好！我很高兴能再次回到哈佛大学演讲。上一次，我们讨论了美国与欧洲能否和解，火星与金星能否一致的问题，如今答案已经更加明朗化了。不过我们还要处理新的问题，面对新的地缘政治，问题是：美国与欧洲能够共同做些什么。

在讨论之前，让我先来评价一下已经变化的情况。我们的世界是一个不断变化的世界，无论政治、经济还是信息，一切都在飞速发展，最终导致世界更加复杂化。在这复杂的世界中并没有一个明确的模板指导我们。混乱与超现代化并存，整合与分裂共生，难怪许多市民感到困惑甚至迷茫。

在这个背景下，我们既要灵活应对，又要坚守原则，因为我们的核心价值观并没有改变，我们在国内乃至世界范围内保护与坚持核心价值观的决心也没有变。

全球化正在改变世界，它使国家间依赖程度时一步加深，或者说它使多极化趋势日渐明显。

全球化是不错的，而且无论如何，全球化趋势不可阻挡，它使国家更加繁荣，文化更加丰富。它将五湖四海的人们聚集在一起。当然，全球化也有弊端，它使我们面对危机时更加脆弱，并在危机过后留下新的问题，这需要人类认真面对。

全球化，是我们人类的孩子，我们思想的产儿。不过我们已经不能像过去那样统治世界。我们必须有所调整，这意味着新兴国家正在崛起，老牌国家也在变换角色。金融危机已打乱时间计划表，重新自我定位的需求已不再是中期挑战，而是当今丞待解决的问题。

这一切蕴含着一个悖论。过去，如果你赢得了一次政治或思想论战，你便可以期望施加更大的影响力。但是现在我们在智慧或是政治上的胜利却要求我们与他国分享世界领导权。我们在开拓市场，发展社会方面的成功以及人们改善生活的愿望意味着我们手中权力的弱化。

这种调整应被提倡而非反对。要管理全球化的世界，以下两项必不可少：

首先，运转良好的国家。弱小的国家对于该国人民来说是一个噩梦，对于其它人来讲是一个麻烦。这就是引出了我的第一个大问题：一个运转良好的国家需要有效的政条，而且这是外国人不能提供的，只有本国人能够胜任。虽然，我们可以帮助他们，但最终仍是他们本国人的责任。与此同时，他们的失败会反作用于我们，这也是我们这个民主时代的核心外交窘境。